BRICS IN AFRICA ANALYSIS

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CHINA

Somalis in Soweto and Nairobi, Chinese in Congo and Zambia, local anger in Africa targets foreigners
Mail & Guadian 25 January 2015

THE last week has been a bad time to be a foreigner in some parts of Africa. Clashes between Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) police and political protestors that left some 40 people dead last week also revealed the level of hostility towards the Chinese in the capital Kinshasa.

“Congolese, please” implored a sign in one store window, hoping it would be spared by the marauding protesters who attacked and looted around 50 Chinese-owned stores in the gritty, teaming Kinshasa neighbourhoods of Ngaba and Kalamu.

Other stores displayed the message “Ya bino moko”—“it belongs to you, too” in the local Lingala language—in a bid to discourage the rioting demonstrators who shattered windows, broke down doors and picked shelves clean in nearby shops owned by Chinese nationals.

In South Africa, anti-foreign mobs went on a looting rampage mid-week in the sprawling and highly political township of Soweto before spreading to other nearby centres.

The outbreak of pillaging, which targeted dozens of stores owned by Indians, Somalis and other foreigners, began in Soweto after a foreign shopkeeper shot dead a teenager who allegedly tried to rob him on Monday night.
http://mgafrica.com/article/2015-01-25-somalis-in-s-africa-chinese-in-dr-congo-and-zambia-anti-state-rage-in-africa-targets-foreigners/

Chinafrica: African workers share experiences at Chinese factories
Xi Jinping, China’s new president, has chosen to visit to Africa as part of his first foreign tour – and for good reason. With more than 2,000 businesses operating on the continent and making more than 36 billion dollars a year, China has in just a few years become Africa’s number one business partner. From Togo to the Democratic Republic of Congo, our African Observers employed by Chinese companies told us about their jobs.

  On August 4, a Chinese official from a carbon mine in southern Zambia was killed by miners who rebelled against salaries they considered to be too low. The Zambian workers demanded that the mine owners bring their pay up to the minimum wage level set by the government. Two years earlier, at the same mine, concerns over wages and security had already led to a violent confrontation in which two officials from Collum Coal mine opened fire on striking miners, injuring several of them.

  Throughout Africa, more and more protests against Chinese companies have been held in the past few years, whether to demand better salaries or to denounce the detrimental effect that the Chinese competition has had on African-owned businesses. (At African markets, Chinese products are sold at much lower prices than local products).
http://observers.france24.com/en/20120822-chinafrica-african-observers-share-experiences-working-chinese-companies-china-business-togo-cameroon-senegal

The Chinese Invade Africa
Ian Johnson 25 September 2014

In early May, China’s premier, Li Keqiang, made a trip to Africa that raised a central question about China’s rise: What effect will it have on the world’s poorer countries? As a big third-world country that has lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty in just a few decades—and has risen so fast that it’s easily the only serious challenger to the United States’ superpower status—China has enormous cachet, with lessons that many countries are eager to learn. But as the trip showed, those lessons are complex and ambiguous.

Premier Li visited four countries and the headquarters of the African Union in Addis Ababa. He pledged billions of dollars in new aid, promised to share technology, and unveiled a series of much-publicized deals, including a nine-hundred-mile railway line in Nigeria and a research center to help link major African capitals by rail. Li urged African leaders and Chinese companies that China—already Africa’s largest trading partner—should double its trade with Africa by 2020 and quadruple its investment there.

For the better part of a decade, these sorts of headlines have caused distress among nongovernmental organizations and in Western capitals. Groups such as Human Rights Watch have detailed labor abuses and shown how China’s limits on free speech at home have been exported abroad, especially to dependent states in regions like Africa.1 The economic ties are sometimes portrayed as under-the-table deals cut between Beijing and corrupt leaders in Africa. Instead of helping to build civil society, these deals are said to hurt Africa’s long-term interests, reinforcing the tendency of corrupt elites to secure resources at a low price.
http://www.nybooks.com/articles/2014/09/25/chinese-invade-africa/

CHINESE MINING OPERATIONS IN KATANGA DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
http://www.raid-uk.org/sites/default/files/drc-china-report.pdf

SOUTH AFRICA

South Africa's war in the DRC: Has Rhodes passed on the baton?

At a time when struggles are being waged to remove colonial and apartheid era statues, like those of the imperialist Rhodes, in South Africa; and xenophobic attacks have been happening in the county, the South African ruling class announced the continuation of the own imperialist war in the DRC. This article looks at this war and the role of South Africa's ruling class in the DRC.

In the heat of the struggle for statues like that of Rhodes – the arch-symbol of British imperialism – to be pulled down, and in the midst of the horror of the recent xenophobic attacks in South Africa, few people seemed to notice an announcement by Jacob Zuma that South African troops will remain at war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) for another year.

Of course, Zuma made this announcement on behalf the South African ruling class – comprised today of white capitalists and a black elite mainly centred around the state, Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) and ‘traditional’ royal families. In this there was a real irony that while Rhodes’s likeness was falling from its perch at the University of Cape Town, and immigrants from other parts of Africa and Asia were being attacked because of sentiments stoked up by a rehabilitated relic of apartheid (the Zulu king, Zwelithini), the South African ruling class felt brash enough to say they will be continuing their own imperialist war in the DRC.

Like in all wars, including those promoted by the likes of Rhodes, it is not the ruling class that are actually doing the fighting in the DRC, but the sons and daughters of the working class. Reflecting on the First World War, Alexander Berkman noted that the working class are not really sent to war to save the poor or workers, but to protect and further the interests of the rulers, governors and capitalists of their countries . This applies equally so today in the case of South African troops’ involvement in the DRC. Indeed, what South Africa’s war in the DRC shows is that the South African ruling class don’t just exploit and oppress the working class in South Africa, but the working class in many other areas in the rest of Africa. It also shows that both at home and abroad they will use violence to do so, including trying to turn different sections of the working class on one another, by amongst of things tapping into nationalism, racism, ethnic chauvinism and xenophobia.

South Africa’s war in the DRC
South African troops have been stationed, in one capacity or another, for more than a decade in the DRC. They have stood guard over elections, they have been involved in ‘peacekeeping’, and at times they have also been involved in directly protecting the interests of the South African state’s ally, Joseph Kabila.

In 2013, the role of South African troops in the DRC, however, officially escalated. Almost 1400 new troops joined the Force Intervention Brigade (FIB). South African troops in fact make up the bulk of the FIB, with support from Malawi and Tanzania. The FIB’s task, including the South African troops that make up its rump, is to hunt down and kill members of guerrilla organisations in the Kivu region. To do so they have been launching operations with the DRC military against such groups.

At times the combat in this war has been fierce. In one day alone during the Battle of Kibati, in August 2013, South African troops – along with South African Air Force Rooivalk attack helicopters – killed over 500 members of the M23 rebel group. Such actions have seen the M23 effectively destroyed as a force. South African troops, along with their allies in the form of Tanzanian and DRC troops, are now beginning to make plans to strike at other rebel groups in the area.
https://zabalaza.net/2015/04/29/south-africa-and-the-drc-has-rhodes-passed-on-the-baton/

Xenophobic attacks: Protests target S-African business outfits

Reacting to the attacks, angry Nigerians protested in Abuja and Benin City even as the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project, SERAP, urged the Federal Government to drag the South African government to the African Commission.

Telecoms giant, MTN, on its part condemned the attacks and charged the South African government to provide strong measures against the spread.

Youths protest at South African High Commission
Nigerian youths under the aegis of Nigerians Demand, took to the streets of Abuja and cordoned the entrance leading to the South African High Commission in Wuse District, protesting the unwarranted attacks and killings of Nigerians.

Apart from the High Commission, the protesters who were accompanied by a team of security personnel also stormed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and DSTV offices at Maitama, requesting that justice be done to victims of the attacks.

Some of the protesters, who marched in different groups chanted anti-xenophobic songs and displayed placards with different inscriptions that read: “Dear South Africa, we have loved you but you are attacking and killing us why? #Say no to Xenophobia; Stop killings in South Africa, Act now; we are Africans; Foreigners are not responsible for your joblessness, stop the killings; Say no to xenophobia; On February 13, 1976 Nigeria donated $2 million to ANC to assist its liberation movement, #Say No to Xenophobia; Say no to killings of Nigerians in South Africa,” among others.
http://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/04/xenophobic-attacks-protests-target-s-african-business-outfits/

INDIA

Indian companies to tap into Africa’s mining and power sectors

A number of Indian companies have announced their intention to invest in Africa’s mining and power sectors at the recently held 11th edition of the West African Mining and Power Exhibition (WAMPEX)

The expo, held in Accra, Ghana, and was organised by the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) with the support of India's commerce ministry.

Rachna Jindal, deputy director of CII, commented, “There are lots of opportunities in Ghana, and for that matter Africa, for Indian companies to take advantage, and so, the companies from India have come to showcase what they can offer. We have the technology that is appropriate and are ready to make our expertise available to those countries that need it.”

According to a mining study released by KPMG, the African continent contributed 6.5 per cent of the world’s mineral exports in 2011, by mining 20 per cent of the world’s land area. Members of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) produce two-thirds of Africa’s mineral exports by value, with South Africa leading the pack.

Ghana, in particular, is richly endowed with natural resources like gold, diamond, manganese, bauxite, iron ore, limestone, kaolin, feldspar and silica sands. The Ministry of Lands and Natural Resources of Ghana, in its website, stated political stability, availability of geological data, favourable investment climate and improvised governance as reasons which put Ghana in a favourable spot with investors.
http://www.africanreview.com/construction-a-mining/excavation/indian-companies-to-tap-into-africa-s-mining-and-power-sectors

Indian Mining Companies in the Democratic Republic of Congo
Gregory Mthembu-Salter (Emerging Powers and Global Challenges Programme)

The main mining companies in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are listed in Canada, Australia and the US. These companies are being joined steadily by Chinese state-owned operators. Although Indian mining companies have a growing presence in the copper, cobalt, tin and tantalum sectors, their operations remain relatively small scale, and none can yet be considered a mining major. Indian mining companies have lacked access to capital from Western stock exchanges and Indian state-owned banks. Instead, they have grown their operations primarily by reinvesting their own profits. Future prospects for Indian mining companies appear broadly positive. This is particularly the case for Mining Mineral Resources, which is positioning itself to become the main producer and processor of ‘conflict-free’ tin and tantalum. The main risk to Indian mining companies is political. As with other mining companies operating in Katanga, they are vulnerable to a change in policy from Moïse Katumbi’s successor as governor of the province. https://peoplesbrics.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/indian-mining-companies-in-drc.pdf

BRAZIL

Brazilian Foreign Direct Investment and Trade with Africa

Brazilian development banks have played an important role in bringing Brazil closer to Africa. Among these, BNDES deserves special mention: its incentives and disbursements to Sub-Saharan Africa have increased hugely over the past decade. Trade between Brazil and Africa climbed from around US$4 billion in 2000 to about US$20 billion in 2010 (table 5.1), with a steep rise from 2003. With Sub-Saharan Africa, it increased from US$2 billion to US$12 billion over the same period. This environment helped BNDES to launch measures to further trade between the two regions, making possible the use of Brazilian loans. The stimulus given to Brazilian exports has also been central to the expansion of trade. In 2008, incentives for Brazilian companies to export to Africa (under the Program Integration with Africa or Programa Integração com a África) led to the disbursement of R$477 million (approx. US$265 million), rising to R$649 million (approx. US$360.5 million) in 2009 (PDP 2010). This increase can be attributed to the strengthening of the Productive Development Policy (PDP), established in 2008 with the purpose of promoting the cycle of national economic expansion, even during international financial crises.
https://peoplesbrics.files.wordpress.com/2016/12/africa-brazil-bridging-chapter5.pdf

What Is Brazil Really Doing in Africa?

Robert Muggah co-authored with Nathan Thompson (Huffington Post)

Brazil’s foreign policy elite like to talk up their political solidarity and cultural affinity with Africa. Sympathetic observers note that Brazilians are more involved there than at any time since the 1960s. There is some truth to these claims. In the past decade, Africa became one of Brazil´s fastest growing trade partners. Brazilian trade to the continent expanded from $4.3 billion in 2000 to $28.5 billion in 2013. But what is really driving Brazilian engagement in the region?

Hardly surprising, there are some hard geopolitical and commercial calculations motivating Brazil´s rapprochement with Africa. While publicly advocating a selfless developmental — or south-south — project, Brazilian companies have business interests in most of Africa’s faster growing economies. And tighter relations with African counterparts also allows Brazil to secure its maritime control and influence over the South Atlantic.

The dramatic surge in Brazilian engagement in Africa was propelled by President Lula (2003-2010), who traveled on 12 separate occasions to 29 states. No fewer than 19 of the 37 Brazilian embassies operating in Africa opened their doors during the past decade. Likewise, 18 of the 34 African embassies in Brasilia were inaugurated during the same period. And while his successor, President Dilma Rousseff, significantly reduced Brazil’s global engagements since 2011, Africa still matters to some in the foreign policy establishment.
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/robert-muggah/what-is-brazil-really-doi_b_6413568.html

RUSSIA

Russian Industrial Giant Rostec Makes Forays Into Africa Amid Increasing U.S. And European Sanctions

A massive Russian state-owned conglomerate is set to build a $4 billion oil refinery in Uganda and a $3 billion platinum project in Zimbabwe as Western sanctions continue to put pressure on the economy at home. Rostec, which has holdings in businesses from oil and mining to arms-making, hopes its expansion can reach beyond African natural resources and tap into Soviet-era trade ties in industries such as arms and defense.

“Apart from proceeds from the project itself, building the crude oil refinery (in Uganda) opens markets for products of all Rostec’s companies and Russian companies as a whole,” the company said in a statement to Reuters.

Among other ventures, Rostec’s portfolio of companies includes VSMPO-AVISMA, the world’s largest titanium producer, arms-maker Kalashnikov and arms exporter Rosoboronexport. The company along with its director general, Sergei Chemezov, is currently under sanctions from the U.S. Department of the Treasury for involvement in “Russian efforts to destabilize Ukraine.” 
http://www.ibtimes.com/russian-industrial-giant-rostec-makes-forays-africa-amid-increasing-us-european-1872445

Understanding the Crisis in Burundi
Roland Rugero (World Policy Institute)

Although the media’s coverage of the current crisis in Burundi has focused on the debate over a third term for President Pierre Nkurunziza, this is merely an easy-to-sell substitute for the real issues at stake. The matter of constitutional interpretation over term limits does have a role in Burundi’s political drama, but more important are questions of the president’s power within the ruling party and the direction of Burundi’s socio-economic development.

     The failed coup d’état on May 13 was a turning point in the crisis, and it can help us understand the current dynamics. Nkurunziza’s weak leadership over the past 10 years and a misinterpretation of the power relationships in Burundian politics led many people to believe that they could easily do without the president. By overthrowing him, they thought they could kill two birds with one stone: reinforce the American principle of a two-term limit in Africa, and promote the emergence of a different kind of politics in Burundi, with “visionary” leaders such as the Second Vice President Gervais Rufyikiri.

But far from advancing the cause that its instigators claimed to defend, the failed coup strengthened the presidential camp and served as a pretext for renewed hope within its ranks and within the army.
http://www.worldpolicy.org/blog/2015/07/15/understanding-crisis-burundi

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